Notes

1. Baca Lagos points out that while youth represented only 24.4 percent of the total Spanish population in 1991, young people were featured in 67 percent of Spanish advertising and 59 percent of Spanish television programs (39-40). Issues of youth, adver tising, and consumption at a more global—and alarming—scale are analyzed in Alissa Quart's Branded (2002).

2. The emphasis of the Revista is largely sociological, although a recent issue (64) was devoted to Spanish youth cultures (March 2004). Authors such as Gil Calvo (1985) and Baca Lagos (1998) have also addressed issues of youth culture and its representation in the Spanish mass media.

3. On early Almodóvar and 1980s Spanish youth culture see Allinson and Triana-Toribio.

4. I have written elsewhere on both the novel and film Historias del Kronen, focusing mainly on issues of youth culture which I will not address in this article. See Fouz-Hernández (2000).

5. Barrio and El Bola had audiences of over 700,000, Krámpack just under 200,000 —very few Spanish films reach audiences over 1 million. Both Barrio and El Bola received Spanish Academy Awards—three and four respectively—as well as other awards in the prestigious San Sebastián film festival, while Krámpack received two awards at the Malaga Festival and various recognitions abroad.

6. Fernando León de Aranoa was born in 1968, CescGay in 1967, and Achero Mañas in 1966. The classic and real generation gap that often exists between director and characters and also between the latter group and some of the more conservative critics is often an issue in this type of film. Famous examples include Kids (director Larry Clark was 52 when the film was released in 1995) and, in the Spanish context, Historias del Kronen (directed by the then 45-year-old Montxo Armendáriz).

7. The film was intentionally shot in many barrios of the Spanish capital as the director wanted to avoid associating the story with a specific area of Madrid (DVD director's commentary).

8. The news bulletins accentuate the family's misery by focusing on items about holidays on the coast or about the entry of Spain into the Euro-zone, issues far removed from their harsh reality. This is a characteristic element of the contemporary cultural representation of the Spanish family and serves both as a critique of this unsociable custom and as a convenient reminder of the social context, often related to underlying issues of the narrative.

9. Recent studies show that the tradition of extended families and duration of cohabitation with grandparents has decreased considerably in the last few years in Spain (Requena, 4-5).

10. On this behavior in schoolchildren see Skelton, 96-115.

11. Edley and Wetherell (100) make the first of these points in relation to male violence about their female partners.

12. For a recent study on the issue of violence in the Spanish contemporary family, see Femenia and Muñoz Guillén (2003).

13. Unaccomplished pleasure is a running theme in Barrio, symbolized by the cardboard mulatto girl—a substitute for the unreachable mulatto babysitter, the phone sex, the jet ski, and the constant contrast that is established between fantasy and reality.

14. In contrast, Alfredo's confidence is signaled by his refusal to accept the prospect of death.

15. In the words of the director, "Krampack" is an untranslatable slang term that refers to an act of intimate friendship—not necessarily physical (Armengol).

16. I am aware that the old-fashioned active/passive hierarchy runs against postmodern conceptions of fluidity celebrated by queer movements. As Mercer has argued, the potentially active connotations of the "passive" sexual role should not be underestimated (286).

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